Haiti’s security crisis is not just a matter of gang violence or political instability—it’s a story of competing egos, bureaucratic dysfunction, and a population’s eroding trust in its leaders.
For years, the country has grappled with systemic corruption, underfunded institutions, and a power vacuum that has allowed armed groups to thrive.
Amid this turmoil, public attention has focused on two key figures—Mario Andrésol, Secretary of State for Public Security, and Rameau Normil, Director General of the Haitian National Police—whose roles have been framed as conflicting due to a leaked draft document and historical precedents.
While media narratives and public speculation often cast their relationship as strained, the reality of their collaboration remains unclear. What is certain is that their perceived dynamic has become symbolic of Haiti’s broader institutional ambiguities.
Meanwhile, the public grows increasingly disillusioned as police operations fail to arrest high-profile gang leaders, echoing past failures like the sidelining of the TPTC (Ministry of Public Works) in favor of the CNE (National Equipment Center) under former President René Préval.
In this deep dive, we unpack Valery Numa’s urgent call for unity, analyze Haiti’s cycles of institutional decay, and explore whether its leaders can break free from self-sabotage.
The Draft Document Controversy: Who Controls Haiti’s Security?
The leaked draft document, though unofficial, has become a lightning rod for Haiti’s power struggles. Supporters of Rameau Normil argue it positions Andrésol as a “gran manitou”—a Creole term for a behind-the-scenes powerbroker—undermining the police director’s authority. Andrésol dismisses it as a non-binding draft, but critics see parallels to historical power grabs.
Why the Draft Matters
- Perception vs. Reality: In Haiti, perception often becomes reality. The draft’s language, which assigns sweeping responsibilities to the Secretary of State, fuels fears of overreach. For example:
- It grants Andrésol oversight of “all security-related matters,” blurring lines between policy and police operations.
- Normil’s supporters argue this reduces the police director to a “subordinate,” echoing past eras where personalities dominated institutions.
- Historical Precedent: During the 2000s, Secretary of State Bob Manuel overshadowed even the Justice Minister by taking bold, unilateral actions (e.g., deploying plainclothes agents during public events). His tenure set a template for how individual initiative (vann tèt li) can eclipse formal roles.
Mario Andrésol’s Dilemma
Andrésol insists he wants collaboration, not control. Yet his critics highlight his strained relationship with Normil:
- Public Disputes: Andrésol has openly questioned police operations’ effectiveness, citing mismatches between resources (e.g., bullets used) and results (few high-profile arrests).
- The Social Media Factor: Unlike past leaders, Andrésol operates in an era where social media (rezo sosyal) amplifies every misstep. A single leaked document can spiral into a crisis of legitimacy.
Police Operations & Public Perception: Why ‘Big Fish’ Rarely Get Caught
Haitians have grown cynical about police operations. Raids on gang strongholds often yield minor arrests while gwo bandit (major gang leaders) remain untouched.
Case Study: The 2023 Port-au-Prince Raid
In June 2023, a joint police-military operation in Port-au-Prince’s Cité Soleil neighborhood made headlines:
- Resources Deployed: 2,000 bullets fired, 15 officers injured, 10 vehicles damaged.
- Results: 8 low-level gang members (ti sòlda) arrested, zero gwo bandit captured.
- Public Reaction: Outrage on social media. Memes mocked the operation as “pèdi bal pou pa kenpe krab” (“wasting bullets to miss the crab”).
Why This Cycle Persists
- Structural Issues: Police lack intelligence networks, armored vehicles, and forensic tools. Many officers are underpaid and vulnerable to corruption.
- Political Interference: Gang leaders often enjoy protection from elites who fund their operations (“moun ki pou finanse dezòd”).
- Public Trust Deficit: As one Port-au-Prince resident told Ayibopost: “Si yo pa kenpe gwo non yo, tout operasyon an se blòf” (“If they don’t catch the big names, the operation is a bluff”).
Historical Parallels: Lessons from Bob Manuel and the TPTC/CNE Power Struggle
To understand Haiti’s present, we must revisit the past. The rise and fall of institutions like the TPTC and CNE under Préval mirror today’s tensions.
The TPTC vs. CNE Saga
In the 2000s, Préval stripped the TPTC (a ministry with a $200M budget) of its authority, transferring resources to the CNE, a smaller agency led by his ally Jude Celestin.
| TPTC | CNE |
|---|---|
| Controlled infrastructure projects | Became Préval’s “pet agency” |
| Ministers sidelined as figureheads | Jude Celestin wielded unchecked power |
| Symbolized hollow political wins | Embodied backroom dealmaking |
The TPTC’s demise taught a harsh lesson: Institutions are only as strong as the personalities behind them.
The Bob Manuel Effect
As Secretary of State for Public Security (2006–2009), Bob Manuel became Haiti’s de facto security czar by:
- Taking Initiative (Vann Tèt Li): Deploying plainclothes agents to secure Radio Kiskeya during a crisis, bypassing the Justice Minister.
- Media Savvy: Cultivating a “strongman” image through televised raids and press conferences.
- Political Maneuvering: Aligning with Préval to marginalize rivals.
Manuel’s era underscores a Haitian reality: Leadership is less about titles than tenacity.
4. Valery Numa’s Blueprint: Unity Over Ego
Valery Numa, a respected commentator, argues that Haiti’s leaders must prioritize results over rivalries. His proposal includes:
Step 1: End Public Feuds
- Andrésol and Normil should hold joint press conferences to project unity.
- Establish clear, public guidelines for their roles to dispel perceptions of a “gran manitou” takeover.
Step 2: Focus on High-Impact Operations
- Target “Gwo Non”: Use international partnerships (e.g., UN sanctions intel) to track gang leaders.
- Transparency: Publish detailed operation reports—arrests, resources used, challenges faced—to rebuild trust.
Step 3: Learn from Préval’s Mistakes
- Avoid sidelining institutions for political convenience (e.g., CNE’s rise at TPTC’s expense).
- Empower the police directorate as an independent body, not a pawn in power games.
Numa’s Warning:
“Nou pèdi twòp tan deja. Si nou kontinye ap gaspiye tan, peyi a pral kraze nèt”
(“We’ve already lost too much time. If we keep wasting it, the country will collapse”).
Conclusion: Haiti’s Make-or-Break Moment
Haiti’s security crisis is a test of leadership. Will Andrésol and Normil rise above ego to deliver results? Or will they repeat history, letting personalities doom institutions?
The public’s patience is fraying. As Valery Numa warns, “Y ap jije nou a pati de rezilta” (“They’ll judge us by results”). For Haiti’s sake, leaders must choose: legacy or infighting.
