From the very start, I must express my criticism of the “expert” in foreign relations, Pierre Antoine Louis. In his recent TV appearance on Tele Metropole, he seemed eager to defend Michel Martelly at all costs, even drawing parallels between the legally sanctioned Tonton Macoutes of the Duvalier regime and today’s gangs.
Such comparisons not only minimize the severity of the current crisis but also ignore the depth of suffering across the country. Furthermore, he threw around numbers that no one seems able to verify, raising serious questions about the validity of his claims.
This post reflects on a recent interview on TV5 Monde, where Leslie Voltaire—President of the Presidential Transition Council (CPT) and representative of Fanmi Lavalas—confirmed that Haiti’s general elections will take place on November 15, 2025, along with a constitutional referendum set for May 11, 2025.
During the interview, Leslie Voltaire accused Michel Martelly of instigating the gangs in Haiti as a strategy to remain in power. The announcement of the election and the referendum is a possible path out of the crisis, yet the nation’s security situation remains fragile.
Could the transitional government truly ensure a peaceful electoral climate given the influence of armed groups? Will the accusation against Michel Martelly further inflame political tensions or clarify roles in the ongoing turmoil?
For detailed insights into Leslie Voltaire’s statements made on French television, Metro News invited Pierre Antoine Louis—an expert in international relations, a jurist, and a former American diplomat—to its studio. Below is the carefully translated exchange from Haitian Creole/French to English:
“The news is dominated by Leslie Voltaire’s statements in France, where he’s on a tour and has given two main interviews to French media—RFI, France 24, and TV5 Monde.
He made multiple declarations that have caused quite a stir. You’re here to help us unpack it all. But before we delve into each point, what is your overall assessment of the CPT President’s remarks?”
“Well, the CPT President addressed two audiences. First, the international public, since he’s in France speaking to French journalists about what’s happening in Haiti. Then there’s the Haitian audience back home, watching their CPT President from abroad.
For us in Haiti, we were perplexed by certain statements. They created confusion about the roots of our crisis, the measures the State is taking to handle the security threat, and whether elections are even possible in such conditions.
International onlookers might see a glimmer of hope. Those of us in Haiti wonder if Leslie Voltaire and the Presidential Council have a plan, we’re unaware of. If so, that’s great, but for now, we remain skeptical.”
“A major talking point in Haiti is Leslie Voltaire’s statement holding Michel Martelly responsible for gangs. He mentioned the slogan ‘legal bandits’ (bandits légaux) during the Martelly presidency. What do you make of this?”
“Well, let’s remember that Leslie Voltaire is a politician affiliated with Fanmi Lavalas. He represents the presidency but also speaks as a politician. Anyone familiar with Haiti knows this isn’t a simple matter of so-called legal bandits emerging after the 2010 earthquake.
The roots run deeper, dating back to our independence over 200 years ago and the Duvalier era with the Tonton Macoutes—legally sanctioned at the time.
Then came Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who dismantled the army and introduced armed groups called chimères. Violence escalated once he departed, and State authority has been weakening since Duvalier. Aristide unfortunately mirrored some of those patterns, and subsequent leaders never remedied the situation.
Indeed, under President Martelly—an artist who often spoke about legal bandits—a mindset took hold that encouraged lawlessness. But to blame everything solely on Martelly is a political oversimplification. Each regime, from Duvalier onward, has contributed to this crisis.”
“Is Leslie Voltaire suggesting that if Martelly hadn’t ‘legalized’ these bandits, we wouldn’t be in the state we’re in now?”
“Well, Duvalier legitimized the Tonton Macoutes, Aristide used the chimères, and Préval looked the other way. Martelly’s administration had its own bandits and that provocative talk about legal bandits.
It fueled today’s lawlessness. Under Jovenel Moïse, the problem exploded to the point where Jovenel Moïse himself lost his life at home, with not a single bullet fired in his defense.
These tragic milestones reflect the unbroken line of chaos and violence stretching from our early history right through the 2010 earthquake’s aftermath.
Fifteen years on, the National Palace is still not rebuilt, nor are other key government structures. This predicament didn’t begin with Martelly, though like every leader since Duvalier, he played a role.”
“Another critical point: Leslie Voltaire mentioned a referendum in May and elections in November 2025. Is that feasible given the security situation?”
“Well, we all know about 40% of voters are in the Ouest Department, primarily in Port-au-Prince, where gangs have a huge influence. The Artibonite region, which accounts for another 20%, also suffers from gang or terrorist control.
That’s roughly 60% of the electorate who would struggle to vote unless security improves drastically. Some small progress has been reported in the Artibonite, but metropolitan Port-au-Prince is effectively at the mercy of armed groups.
We see no robust strategy to reclaim lost territory. Even the airport’s security is precarious, given surrounding gang presence. Unless there’s a major initiative, it’s hard to see how a referendum or elections can happen in these conditions.”
“Could the 800 foreign personnel in Haiti—plus some rumored reinforcements—change that outlook?”
“If they have adequate resources, equipment, and are willing to form a joint task force with Haitian police and military, it’s possible. But that’s a big if. You need assault vehicles, fragmentation grenades, and well-trained forces who know the terrain, and Haiti hasn’t always understood that civilian police can’t do everything.
Police must use proportional force, whereas an army can respond more aggressively. It’s theoretically possible to restore security by March or April, but it would require a level of support and coordination we haven’t seen yet.”
A Journalist’s Reflection on the Heated Defense of Michel Martelly What’s most striking is how far Pierre Antoine Louis went to shield Michel Martelly, comparing Tonton Macoutes to the contemporary gangs terrorizing the population.
Many argue this trivializes the unique, painful reality Haiti faces today. Meanwhile, his use of vague statistics—numbers with unclear sources—only adds confusion, not clarity. Ultimately, his comments offered little that was new or helpful.
Haiti finds itself at a defining moment, with pivotal referendum and election dates looming. However, gang violence and political maneuvering threaten to derail democratic progress.
The Michel Martelly alleged gang involvement controversy raises crucial questions: Will these accusations against a former president resolve lingering ambiguities or inflame them further? And can any single “expert” offer substantial solutions rather than repeated talking points?
Citizens, journalists, and international observers must insist on transparent action from Haiti’s transitional government. It’s time for real security measures, genuine community engagement, and coordinated international support. Only then can Haiti move beyond endless blame games and seize this opportunity for meaningful change.
